Comments
on the State’s Pre-Hearing Brief Which Attempted to Justify Revocation of the Sales Tax Exemption
of
the Unitary Mission Church of Nashville
by Roger E. Bissell
The State has claimed that an association of people, to be considered a religious association
(i.e., a church) must engage in certain specific activities. Some of these (1) worshipping a deity,
by means of certain kinds of actions, such as prayer, song, etc., especially by means of certain rituals,
such as communion; (2) carrying out charitable programs to aid the needy; and (3) publicizing one’s
existence by general advertisement, such as by the use of newspaper listings, telephone listings, signs, etc.
Each of these
activities as specified is far too exclusive and limiting. Using any of them as a legal criterion for what constitutes a church
amounts to establishment, in violation of the First Amendment to the United States Constitution. The State cannot exclusively
recognize and favor, as religious associations (churches), only those associations which have certain specific objects
and forms of worship, kinds of humanitarian service, and manners of soliciting new members.
Worship
In the fullest sense, the concept of “worship” pertains to any action characterized by a certain
underlying attitude. Specifically, “worship” is defined as: any action (mental, verbal, or physical) characterized
by an attitude of reverent, loyal dedication of oneself to a moral ideal.
There is a sense of the word “worship”
which refers only to certain widely recognized or accepted actions (and objects of action) apart from the
mental attitude that may underlie those actions. This sense of the word is not only unjustifiably narrow; it is also
emptier of factual meaning than (and parasitic for whatever factual meaning it does have upon) the fuller sense of the word.
It is this narrower, emptier, linguistically parasitic sense of the term that the State proposes to apply in determining whether
the activities of the Unitary Mission Church of Nashville constitute worship. We reject this sense of the word, insisting
instead that the fuller, broader, primary sense of the term be applied.
The first important way in which the State’s proposed definition is too narrow is that not all objects of religious
worship are supernatural entities such as deities. Some are non-supernatural entities, such as the Golden Calf, money, the
entrails of goats, heroic individuals, etc. Still others are abstract entities, such as power, youth, the human potential,
etc.
The factor common to all
of these, and not just these, is that they all are, or can be, revered and looked up to as the standard and/or symbol
of moral perfection. These are all moral ideals, i.e., a supreme (the highest) or ideal (the best) form of Being, as recognized by a particular group of people. The requirement that the supreme form of Being that one worships be a supernatural deity is simply the product of unthinking custom and prejudice.
The same applies to the requirement that one have a set form of worship, that one engage in certain pre-determined
actions, especially rituals. Just as some religions and churches do not specify rituals, so too do some leave unspecified
what other actions one must engage in in order to worship one’s moral ideal, merely
asking that the individual worship his moral ideal in some appropriate form, as he sees fit.
There are
religions and churches recognized by the State which even leave unspecified their moral ideal (!), leaving it up to the individual
members to “build their own faith.” We do not go so far as this, so it seems even less fair that we should be
denied equal protection under the law with such churches.
We maintain that the most the State
can legitimately do is take us at face value when we say that we worship a moral ideal and leave the specific nature
of the moral ideal and the specific actions by which we worship our moral ideal out of the question. There are both
legal and practical reasons why the State cannot require us to specify our moral ideal and the actions by which we worship
it:
1. Legally,
i.e., Constitutionally, we cannot be compelled to engage in discussions of our religious
ideas.
2. More importantly, practically,
there is no possible way, not even by requiring us to specify the object and form of our worship, that
the State can prove that we do not engage in worship. Nor can we prove that we do!
By the fundamental nature of worship as depending upon the presence
of a certain mental phenomenon—an attitude of dedicating oneself to a moral ideal, whatever the moral ideal
and act of dedication in their specific forms might be—the State cannot extract the information it needs. In fact, any
time the State is genuinely concerned with determining whether a certain group is in fact engaging in worship, it faces an
insuperable obstacle:
1.
The State cannot know that certain actions or rituals in fact constitute worship, because the
State cannot be certain of the mental attitude underlying those actions. At best, the State can merely presume
that certain actions or rituals are genuine worship, by noting whether the group involved appears convincing and sincere in
their actions, and whether their actions are generally accepted or recognized forms of worship.
2. The State cannot know that someone’s actions
do not in fact constitute worship, again because the State cannot know that such action is not based upon an attitude
of worship. This is especially the case if that action is non-ritualistic, unorthodox, non-standardized, etc.; and if the
object of that action is a moral ideal, a Supreme form of Being, not recognized or accepted by
the orthodox, majority religions or churches.
Thus, there is no more justification to the State’s requiring us to specify our object and form of worship,
than there is for us to conform to its narrower definitions of what constitute acceptable objects and forms of worship. True,
this specification would establish the possibility that we engage in worship; but this possibility is more
simply established by our sworn testimony that we do in fact worship some specific moral ideal by some specific
actions.
As for the fact
(as opposed to the mere possibility) that we worship, we can no more establish this by identifying specifically what
and how we worship, than by merely affirming that we do worship. This we did by establishing our church.
We should not be required to do more than this.
Humanitarian
Service
In the fullest sense, the concept of “humanitarian service” pertains to any action characterized
by a certain underlying motivation. Specifically, “humanitarian service” is defined as: an action characterized
by a motivation of helping one’s fellow human beings and/or making the world a better place to live.
There
is a sense of the word “humanitarian service” which refers only to certain widely recognized or accepted
actions apart from the psychological motivation that may lie behind those actions. This sense of the word is not
only unjustifiably narrow; it is also emptier of factual meaning than (and parasitic for whatever factual meaning it does
have upon) the fuller sense of the word. It is this narrower, emptier, linguistically parasitic sense of the term that the
State proposes to apply in determining whether the activities of the Unitary Mission Church of Nashville constitute humanitarian
service. We reject this sense of the word, insisting instead that the fuller, broader, primary sense of the term be applied.
Material aid—gifts of one’s time, money, food, clothing, shelter, etc.—is only one, rather more conventional
form of service to humanity. Another might be educational or professional self-improvement, to serve as an inspiration or
role model for others, and to remove oneself far enough from the ranks of the needy that it will be unlikely that one will
be needy oneself someday and thus be a burden to others. Still another might be trying to develop a social system which does
not permit the initiation of physical force against anyone, and which does not require the forced sacrifice of anyone to anyone
else.
The factor common to all of these, and not just these, is that they all are, or can be, a mode in
which one can carry out one’s humanitarian impulses or motives. A given mode of humanitarian service may be essential
to a given religion or church, or it may be strictly incidental at most, depending upon the nature of the moral principles
held by that religion or church. The requirement that the mode of humanitarian service be material aid is simply the product
of unthinking custom and prejudice.
We maintain that the most the State can legitimately do is take us at face value when we say that we serve humanity and leave
the specific actions by which we serve humanity out of the question. There are both legal and practical reasons why
the State cannot require us to specify the actions by which we serve humanity:
1. Legally, i.e., Constitutionally,
we cannot be compelled to engage in discussions of our religious ideas.
2.
More importantly, practically, there is no possible way, not even by requiring us to specify
the form of our humanitarian service, that the State can prove that we do not engage in humanitarian service. Nor
can we prove that we do!
By the fundamental nature of humanitarian service as depending upon the presence of a certain mental phenomenon—a
motivation of helping one’s fellow human beings and/or making the world a better place to live—the State cannot
extract the information it needs. In fact, any time the State is genuinely concerned with determining whether a certain group
is in fact engaging in humanitarian service, it faces an insuperable obstacle:
1. The State cannot know that certain actions in
fact constitute humanitarian service, because the State cannot be certain of the psychological motivation lying behind
those actions. At best, the State can merely presume that certain actions are genuine humanitarian service,
by noting whether the group involved appears convincing and sincere in their actions, and whether their actions are generally
accepted or recognized forms of humanitarian service.
2.
The State cannot know that someone’s actions do not in fact constitute humanitarian
service, again because the State cannot know that such action is not based upon a motivation of humanitarian service.
This is especially the case if that action is unorthodox, not recognized or accepted by the orthodox, majority religions or
churches.
Thus,
there is no more justification to the State’s requiring us to specify our form of humanitarian service, than there is
for us to conform to its narrower definitions of what constitute acceptable forms of humanitarian service. True, this specification
would establish the possibility that we engage in humanitarian service; but this possibility is more simply
established by our sworn testimony that we do in fact serve humanity by some specific actions.
As for the fact (as opposed to the mere possibility)
that we serve humanity, we can no more establish this by identifying specifically how we serve humanity, than by
merely affirming that we do serve humanity. This we did by establishing our church. We should not be required to
do more than this.
Soliciting New Members
In the fullest sense, the
concept of “member solicitation” pertains to any action characterized by a certain underlying intention.
Specifically, “member solicitation” is defined as: any action characterized by an intention to attract new members
by informing them as to one’s nature and existence.
There is a sense of the word “member solicitation” which refers
only to certain widely recognized or accepted actions apart from the mental desire that may accompany those
actions. This sense of the word is not only unjustifiably narrow; it is emptier of factual meaning than (and parasitic for
whatever factual meaning it does have upon) the fuller sense of the word. It is this narrower, emptier, linguistically parasitic
sense of the term that the State proposes to apply in determining whether the activities of the Unitary Mission Church of
Nashville constitute solicitation of new members. We reject this sense of the word, insisting instead that the fuller, broader,
primary sense of the term be applied.
General advertisement, such as by the use of newspaper listings, telephone listings, signs, etc., is only one, rather more
conventional form of soliciting new members. Another (and by no means the only other) approach is by word-of-mouth. This approach
is sometimes followed in order to escape public harassment (or worse), sometimes merely as a matter of style, i.e., as something
one feels more psychologically or aesthetically comfortable with.
The factor common to all of these, and not just
these, is that they all are, or can be, a manner in which one can carry out one’s intention to attract new members by
informing them as to one’s nature and existence. The requirement that the manner of attracting new
members by public advertisement is simply the product of unthinking custom and prejudice.
We maintain that the most the State can legitimately do is
take us at face value when we say that we solicit new members and leave the specific actions by which we solicit
new members out of the question. There are both legal and practical reasons why the State cannot require us to specify the
actions by which we solicit new members:
1.
Legally, i.e., Constitutionally, we cannot be compelled to engage
in discussions of our religious ideas.
2.
More importantly, practically, there is no possible way, not even by requiring us to specify
the manner in which we solicit new members, that the State can prove that we do not engage
in soliciting new members. Nor can we prove that we do!
By the fundamental nature of solicitation of new members as depending upon the presence
of a certain mental phenomenon—an intention to attract new members by informing them as to one’s nature and existence—the
State cannot extract the information it needs. In fact, any time the State is genuinely concerned with determining whether
a certain group is in fact engaging in solicitation of new members, it faces an insuperable obstacle:
1. The State cannot know that certain
actions in fact constitute solicitation of new members, because the State cannot be certain of the psychological desire accompanying
those actions. At best, the State can merely presume that certain actions are genuine solicitation of new members,
by noting whether the group involved appears convincing and sincere in their actions, and whether their actions are generally
accepted or recognized forms of solicitation of new members.
2.
The State cannot know that someone’s actions do not in fact constitute solicitation
of new members, again because the State cannot know that such action is not based upon an intention to solicit new
members. This is especially the case if that action is unorthodox, not recognized or accepted by the orthodox, majority religions
or churches.
Thus,
there is no more justification to the State’s requiring us to specify our manner of solicitation of new members, than
there is for us to conform to its narrower definitions of what constitute acceptable manners of solicitation of new members.
True, this specification would establish the possibility that we engage in solicitation of new members;
but this possibility is more simply established by our sworn testimony that we do in fact solicit new members by some
specific actions.
As
for the fact (as opposed to the mere possibility) that we solicit new members, we can no more establish this by identifying
specifically how we solicit new members, than by merely affirming that we do solicit new members. This we
did by establishing our church. We should not be required to do more than this.
Conclusion
Because of the fundamental impossibility of determining whether we, or anyone, is in fact sincere in their
claims that they worship, serve humanity, and solicit new members, the State must take all such claims at face value—or
it must reject all such claims, thus ending its favoritism of certain religious groups to the exclusion of all others.
A parallel argument to the preceding three can be made for
the State’s claim that a group cannot be a church unless it meets in a certain kind of building, namely, a church, temple,
etc.